Providing quality healthcare to low-income patients can be costly. When Congress established Medicare's hospital- reimbursement system, it recognized that people with low incomes tend to have comparatively worse health conditions and health outcomes than wealthier people, and was clear eyed about the fact that, as a result, “[h]ospitals that serve a disproportionate share of low-income patients have higher medicare costs.” H. R. Rep. No. 99–241, pt. 1, p. 16 (1985). To account for the variable costs attributable to the healthcare needs of different socioeconomic populations, Congress opted to reimburse hospitals that have a “disproportionate share” of low-income patients at a different (greater) rate than other hospitals.
This case concerns the formula that Congress uses to identify and compensate those hospitals. The majority and I are in considerable agreement about key aspects of the statutory provision at issue. We agree that the point of the “disproportionate share” Medicare formula is to identify hospitals that serve a disproportionate number of low-income patients. We agree that the formula looks to the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program—a benefts program for lowPage Proof Pending Publication income Americans that entitles certain individuals to receive cash payments from the Government—and counts the number of a hospital's Medicare-eligible patients who are also “entitled to” SSI. We agree that, under the SSI program, eligibility for a cash payment in a given month turns on a person's monthly income. And we agree that, if the SSI program operates like Medicare Part A, our decision in Be cerra v. Empire Health Foundation, for Valley Hospital Medical Center, 597 U. S. 424 (2022), would control the outcome of this case, and would require us to rule for the hospitals.
All that said, the majority's interpretation of Medicare's disproportionate-share formula is based upon a fundamental misunderstanding of how SSI's cash-beneft program works. And that misunderstanding has led the majority to evaluate the Medicare statute without regard to the function of the formula's reference to the SSI program, causing it to reach the wrong conclusion.
To be specific: When Congress created Medicare's disproportionate-share formula, it looked to SSI's cash- benefts program for a reason. No one disputes that Congress's ultimate goal was to provide hospitals that serve the neediest among us with the appropriate level of critical funds. The only logical basis for the formula's reliance on SSI, then, is to draw from that program's pre-existing pool of individuals that have already been designated as our society's neediest—not to assess the wholly irrelevant fact of whether any such individual actually received a cash payment under the SSI program during the month of their hospitalization. The majority's interpretation both ignores this critical context and endorses an interpretation of the Medicare formula that arbitrarily undercounts a hospital's low- income patients.
In short, under the majority's reading, Congress's reference to the SSI scheme in the Medicare statute serves no rational purpose. Worse still, the majority seems to think Page Proof Pending Publication that a statutory formula specifcally designed to authorize payments to certain hospitals in greater amounts is best read to affect the arbitrary denial of those additional funds. Respectfully, I dissent.
I
“The Medicare program provides Government-funded health insurance to over 64 million elderly or disabled Americans.” Empire Health, 597 U. S., at 428. The program generally works by reimbursing hospitals for their treatment of Medicare beneficiaries.
See 42 U. S. C. § 1395ww(d). To incentivize hospitals to treat patients in the most effcient manner, Congress reimburses hospitals for the services they provide at a fxed rate that turns on a patient's diagnosis rather than the hospital's actual costs. Empire Health, 597 U. S., at 429.
But Congress also recognized that some hospitals have it harder than others. Based on empirical research, it specifcally observed that “[h]ospitals that serve a disproportionate share of low-income patients have higher medicare costs,” and that this was so for two primary reasons. H. R. Rep. No. 99–241, pt. 1, at 16; see also Empire Health, 597 U. S., at 429. First, low-income patients tend to be in poorer health to begin with, and have more complications after medical procedures than patients who are wealthier. H. R. Rep. No. 99–241, pt. 1, at 16. Second, hospitals that see a signifcant number of low-income patients often have to employ extra personnel, such as social workers and interpreters, in order to serve this population, adding to a hospital's fxed costs. Ibid. Congress thus reasonably decided that those hospitals that have a disproportionate share of low-income patients should receive enhanced Medicare reimbursements.
Empire Health, 597 U. S., at 429. And, notably, by compensating for the disparity in treatment costs, Congress hoped to “encourag[e] hospitals to treat low-income patients.” Ibid. To accomplish Congress's fair-reimbursement objectives, the hospitals with a disproportionate share of low-income paPage Proof Pending Publication Page Proof Pending Publication tients frst had to be identifed. One option would have been to require all hospitals to track their patients' incomes and report them to the Government. H. R. Rep. No. 99–241, pt. 1, at 17. But this would have added administrative overhead to already burdened hospitals. Ibid. So, instead, Congress devised a formula that could be used to calculate the percentage of a hospital's patients who are low income using administrative data already in the Government's possession. See § 1395ww(d)(5)(F)(vi).
As the majority helpfully explains, part of that formula— referred to herein as the “Medicare fraction”—calculates the percentage of a hospital's Medicare-eligible patients who have low incomes. The base of that fraction counts the total number of days Medicare patients spent in the hospital.
Ante, at 8. The numerator counts the number of days “ `attributable to Medicare patients who are poor,' ” as determined by their entitlement to SSI benefts. Ante, at 7–8. We took this case to decide who falls within the numerator. That is, which hospital patients are “entitled to [SSI] benefts” for purposes of the disproportionate-share formula? § 1395ww(d)(5)(F)(vi)(I). This seems like a narrow, technical question. But the stakes of the answer are quite high for hospitals because the greater the number of a hospital's patients who fall within the numerator, the more Medicare- reimbursement money that hospital will receive.
II
The majority starts off on the right foot. “To determine when a person is `entitled to supplementary security income benefts,' ” “we must know what the benefts are.” Ante, at 10 (quoting § 1395ww(d)(5)(F)(vi)(I)). But it quickly missteps. According to the majority, because SSI entitles individuals to “cash benefts,” and the eligibility for those benefts “is determined on a monthly basis,” ante, at 11, the Medicare fraction counts only those patients who are eligible for a cash payment under SSI during the month of their hospitalization. This conclusion misunderstands both the beneft that SSI provides and also, importantly, the reason why Congress used SSI as its proxy for identifying low-income patients.
A
The regulations accompanying the SSI statute state that “[t]he basic purpose underlying the [SSI] program is to assure a minimum level of income for people who are age 65 or over, or who are blind or disabled and who do not have suffcient income and resources to maintain a standard of living at the established Federal minimum income level.” 20 CFR § 416.110 (2024). We have likewise explained elsewhere that “[t]he SSI program establishes a federally guaranteed minimum income for the aged, blind, and disabled.” Schweiker v. Hogan, 457 U. S. 569, 581–582 (1982).
At a high level, the SSI program works as follows. Persons who are over 65, blind, or disabled may apply and will be enrolled in the SSI program if their annual income and fnancial resources are below a certain designated level. 42 U. S. C. §§ 1381, 1382(a)(1), (c)(7). Once approved—and until that enrollment is terminated—an individual who is enrolled in the SSI program is guaranteed an annual income above the federal minimum. See § 1382(b). This does not necessarily mean such an enrollee will receive a check from the Government each month (or even at all)—that depends on other specifed factors. See § 1382(c). But if in any month an enrollee's income drops below the rate required to hit the federal minimum, the Government will pick up the slack by sending them a check. See ibid.
I pause here to note that participation in the SSI program is thus highly benefcial to enrollees, regardless of whether they happen to need and receive a check in any particular month. This is so because being enrolled in SSI provides participants with meaningful reassurance. Poverty in America is a plague of uncertainty marked by persistent instability—what others have called “the constant fear that it Page Proof Pending Publication Page Proof Pending Publication will get even worse.” M. Desmond, Poverty, By America 17 (2023). The problem is not just that one's income is too low; it is that one's income, such as it is, is highly volatile. “For scores of American workers, wages are . . . wobbly, fuctuating wildly not only year to year but month to month, even week to week.” Id., at 16. As one woman living on the edge of poverty described her situation: “ `[E]very day and every night when I'm trying to fall asleep, there's this worry hanging. . . . How am I gonna get it done? How am I gonna stretch to get these bills paid?
If one extra thing happens—.' ” D. Shipler, The Working Poor 25 (2004).
Congress understood this reality when it set out to construct an income-related social safety net for the population SSI covers. Indeed, the SSI program was specifcally designed to address the often debilitating state of low-income volatility. If a person hovering at the poverty threshold is enrolled in the SSI program, she has peace of mind that if she misses work because her car breaks down, her child falls ill, or her work hours are suddenly slashed, she will still be able to pay the bills because the Government will provide her with some cash, if needed. That is the true “beneft” of SSI—one less thing to worry about.
This basic understanding of the SSI program also helps to clarify the benefciaries (i. e., it explains who is “entitled to” SSI benefts for purposes of that statutory scheme): anyone who, per the threshold statutory criteria, is protected by SSI's safety net in the frst place. In other words, an “entitled” person is any individual who has a right to receive SSI payments when his income falls below the federal minimum. The text and structure of the SSI statute plainly comport with this understanding of both the SSI beneft and what it means to be “entitled” thereto. The frst substantive provision of the SSI subchapter—notably titled “Basic entitle ment to benefts”—makes a promise: “Every aged, blind, or disabled individual who is determined . . . to be eligible on the basis of his income and resources shall, in accordance Page Proof Pending Publication with and subject to the provisions of this subchapter, be paid benefts.” § 1381a (emphasis added; boldface deleted). That is clear enough. But which individuals are “eligible on the basis of [their] income and resources”? That question is answered by the subsequent provision, § 1382(a), which explains that any “aged, blind, or disabled individual” with an annual income and fnancial resources below a certain threshold “shall be an eligible individual for purposes of this subchapter.”
Section 1382 then goes on to explain what an eligible individual is eligible for under this program. Subsection (b) guarantees each eligible individual payments from the Government up to the statutorily defned federal minimum income level over the course of a year, reduced by that individual's countable income for that year.
§ 1382(b).
And subsection (c) provides that eligible individuals will receive a cash payment in any month in which their monthly income falls below the amount that would be required for them to earn the federal minimum over the course of a year.
§ 1382(c)(1).
Putting it all together: The SSI statute distinguishes between an entitlement to be enrolled in the SSI program— promised in § 1381a with eligibility criteria laid out in § 1382(a)—and the right to receive a payment under the program. Anyone who is in the former bucket gets the quite valuable safety-net beneft of being enrolled in SSI (and the peace of mind that comes with it), whether or not they actually receive a check from the Government in any particular month.
B
Because the majority fails to appreciate the programmatic nature of SSI, it reduces SSI's beneft to the monthly check— and nothing more. From that premise, the majority concludes that all Congress cared about when measuring a hospital's low-income population for purposes of Medicare's Page Proof Pending Publication disproportionate-share formula was the number of patients who received a check during the month of their hospital stay. But the majority also admits that the point of Medicare's disproportionate-share formula is to identify “ `hospitals serving an “unusually high percentage of low-income patients.” ' ” Ante, at 6. And whether an individual received a check from the Government in a given month does not track—and, indeed, has little to do with—the broader “lowincome” category of patients. The result is an interpretation of the formula that not only strangely excludes indisputably low-income patients, but does so arbitrarily.
Imagine a woman who has been eligible for SSI payments for years and works at a retail store—I will call her Ann. In January, Ann picks up a few night shifts, which pay more than her usual day shifts. Cf. Shipler, The Working Poor, at 65. That extra income bumps her above the SSI cash- payment threshold so she does not get a payment in January. But in February (and March, and April, and May), when her schedule returns to normal, her income falls back below the threshold. In the majority's view, whether Ann counts as a low-income patient for purposes of the disproportionate- share formula depends on the happenstance of her hospitalization. If she has a heart attack in February, she's in. But if her heart fails in January, she's out.
Why would Congress have intended to exclude Ann from the hospital's count of low-income patients in January but include her in February? The answer is simple: It didn't. After all, the disproportionate-share formula is not about Ann's own personal cash fow—Congress was not trying to identify those patients who lack cash on hand. Instead, as all agree, the formula is trying to count those patients who will be costlier to treat due to the health impacts of poverty. From the hospital's (and society's) perspective, there is no cost difference between treating Ann in January (when she had a bit more cash) or treating her in February (when she had a bit less). In either month, in terms of the hospital's comparatively greater treatment costs, Ann qualifes as a low-income patient.
The irrationality of the majority's reading does not end there. Under the majority's view, also falling outside the Medicare formula's numerator are patients who happen to be hospitalized during the frst month they are eligible for SSI, because, by statute, SSI payments do not kick in until the second month of eligibility. See § 1382(c)(7). Other quirks of SSI's statutory scheme—such as a provision preventing persons in Medicaid-funded nursing homes from getting an SSI payment in any month in which they have more than $30 in income, § 1382(e)(1)(B)—likewise mean that many of the lowest income patients are arbitrarily excluded from the disproportionate-share formula's count. Neither of these circumstances has anything whatsoever to do with how costly it will be to provide such patients with quality healthcare.1 The majority does not mention these incongruities, let alone justify them. Instead, it shrugs away all of the apparent oddities of its interpretation, blithely noting that “ `no statute pursues a single policy at all costs.' ” Ante, at 19 (brackets omitted). I would think the People's representatives deserve more credit than to have this Court conclude they intentionally enacted a statute that does not reach its aims and operates so arbitrarily that it makes no sense. 1The Government has at least conceded that its interpretation is not an “actual receipt” rule—a patient will be counted, the Government has promised, even if he doesn't actually receive an SSI payment in a given month (e. g., because the enrollee moves or the post offce loses the check), so long as he “satisfes the statutory requirements for a cash payment during the relevant month in question.” Tr. of Oral Arg. 51. The Government also assured the Court that it would “retroactively” count patients who initially failed to receive a payment in a given month due to an administrative error (such as an erroneous address on fle) that was subsequently cured. Id., at 52.
Page Proof Pending Publication In the majority's view, my way of analyzing the relevant statutes impermissibly elevates purpose over text, because it “overlooks that Congress chose a specifc means to advance its end.” Ibid. But that contention simply begs the question before us; what we are doing now is trying to discern what it was that Congress “chose” when it referenced the SSI program while crafting the Medicare fraction. The majority apparently believes it can fgure that out without considering what the Medicare fraction was designed to accomplish—it just insists, largely by ipse dixit, that Congress “chose” a proxy for low-income status that asks whether a patient received an SSI check during the month of their hospital stay. Ante, at 12, 19. My response is simply, why would Congress possibly make that choice? The illogic of the majority's interpretation strongly signals that what the majority believes Congress “chose” is not actually what Congress intended or accomplished.
There is also no need to conclude that Congress intentionally selected such an irrational and arbitrary measurement when there is another equally (if not more) plausible interpretation available: that Congress intended to count those patients who were enrolled in the SSI program at the time the hospital served them. Statutes “are not inert exercises in literary composition,” but “instruments of government.” United States v. Shirey, 359 U. S. 255, 260 (1959). We disrespect that instrument—and the coequal branch of Government that has enacted it—when we fail to understand, or appreciate, the logic of the laws Congress designs.
C
There is yet another reason the majority's myopic approach to interpreting statutes has yielded the wrong result in this case. As the majority envisions the SSI program, a patient's entitlement to SSI toggles off and on each month, depending on her cash fow. That view of how the program operates is fatly inconsistent with the fully contextualized Page Proof Pending Publication reading that I have laid out in Part II–A. It also conficts with the statute's plain text, which clearly contemplates an SSI entitlement that extends beyond a single month.
To understand how the majority goes awry on this point, start where the majority does: with the language of § 1382(c)—a provision that explains how and when SSI cash benefts will be paid. See ante, at 11. By starting there, the majority essentially ignores §§ 1382(a) and (b), which plainly address who is entitled to SSI benefts and what they are qualifed to receive due to that entitlement. See also Schweiker v. Wilson, 450 U. S. 221, 223, n. 2 (1981) (“To be eligible for SSI benefts,” a person's “income and resources must be below the levels specifed in . . . 42 U. S. C. § 1382(a)”); Sullivan v. Zebley, 493 U. S. 521, 524 (1990) (“A person is eligible for SSI benefts if his income and fnancial resources are below a certain level, § 1382(a), and if he is `disabled' ”). Moreover, and importantly for present purposes, subsection (a) eligibility looks to an individual's income over the course of a “calendar year”—not her income in any particular month. § 1382(a)(1)(A). Thus, the text of this statute, read as a whole, plainly establishes that eligibility for SSI benefts operates on a longer time horizon than the majority acknowledges.
Other provisions further demonstrate that whether someone is “entitled to” SSI benefts does not turn on their income in a single month. After an individual applies for SSI and is deemed eligible under § 1382(a), she need not apply again the next month—or, actually, any month thereafter—because her eligibility for benefts lasts until her income is too high for one full year, §1383(j)(1); 20 CFR §416.1335, or until her enrollment is terminated for some other reason, § 1383(e)(1)(A); 20 CFR §§ 416.1331, 416.1333–416.1334. The statute also seems to contemplate a long-term benefts relationship, insofar as it permits the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) in certain circumstances to “defer (in the case of initial entitlement) or suspend (in the case of Page Proof Pending Publication Page Proof Pending Publication existing entitlement)” SSI benefts—a distinction that only makes sense if an individual's entitlement to SSI lasts beyond a single month. § 1383(a)(2)(B)(viii) (emphasis added); see also § 1382c(a)(3)(H)(ii)(I) (referring to an individual's “continued eligibility” for benefts over the course of multiple years).
If all that is still not enough to permit the majority to accurately discern the broader confnes of this program, consider the fact that HHS requires SSI applicants to grant the agency permission to access their fnancial records so that HHS can automatically monitor their income.
§ 1383(e)(1)(B)(ii); 20 CFR § 416.207. That authorization lasts until “the cessation of the recipient's eligibility for benefts under this subchapter.” § 1383(e)(1)(B)(ii)(II)(bb). But if eligibility for SSI benefts were a monthly determination, the give-us-your-records provision would accomplish nothing. It would do the agency no good to have permission to access those records for one month and one month only. The practical realities of SSI administration further demonstrate that the SSI entitlement is not determined month by month. For example, SSI benefts are paid on the frst day of the month—an individual receives his February payment on February 1st. 20 CFR § 416.502. With its month- only entitlement perspective, the majority thus apparently surmises that HHS regularly pays benefts without knowing whether the recipient is eligible for SSI at all. Any such policy would be surprisingly irresponsible. But if SSI is a program that lasts beyond a single month, day-one payments are both rational and administratively feasible. Recall that we are talking about people who are desperately in need of cash to pay their monthly bills; this explains the agency's practice of providing prompt, prospective payments, which the aforementioned income monitoring facilitates. Moreover, as I have explained, once an individual is approved for SSI, he is entitled to receive such prospective payments, as needed, until his enrollment is terminated. By adopting a broader time horizon than the single month in which the payment is made, the agency can get the money out to the needy individual and then subsequently smooth out any over-(or under-) payments it makes, by checking the person's actual salary for the month in question and, if necessary, adjusting the amount it pays in later months. See § 1383(b).
The majority simply ignores these kinds of programmatic features that cut against its reading. And the unhelpful statutory provisions that the majority does acknowledge get short shrift in its opinion; in a footnote, the majority bats them away as mere legislative “housekeeping.” Ante, at 16, n. 5. I grant that it is easier to duck Congress's handiwork than to explain the implications of its various policy choices. But if the majority is going to base its interpretation exclusively on what Congress “chose” when it used the term “eligibility,” it must grapple with all such usages of that term in the statute in question—not just those that support its preferred reading.2 Notably, the design of the statute that creates the SSI program—basic criteria establishing an entitlement to a beneft, pursuant to which individuals are eligible for a payment under certain conditions that are delineated elsewhere—is not unique to SSI. Consider veterans benefts, for example. A veteran “with the requisite period of military service becomes `entitled to' ” certain educational benefts, “typically in the form of a stipend or tuition payments.” Rudisill v. McDonough, 601 U. S. 294, 299 (2024) (emphasis added).
But just because a person is entitled to those benefts does not mean she will ever receive them; there are hoops through which she must jump and conditions she must satisfy to be eligible to receive a payment. Id., at 300–301.
2For my part, I do not deny that the SSI statute discusses an individual's “ `eligibility for a beneft . . . for a month.' ” Ante, at 11 (quoting § 1382(c)(1)). But, as I've explained, that monthly eligibility is meant only to describe the beneft (i. e., the cash payment) that an individual who is entitled to SSI is eligible to receive. Supra, at 26.
Page Proof Pending Publication Or consider Medicare Part A. “When a person turns 65,” she “becomes `entitled' to” Medicare Part A benefts. Em pire Health, 597 U. S., at 428 (quoting 42 U. S. C. §§ 426(a)– (b)). There, too, entitlement does not guarantee payment— a person may be entitled to Medicare Part A benefts yet never receive a single cent, perhaps because he is covered by private health insurance, or because he has hit some statutory cap on care. 597 U. S., at 432. As this Court has recognized, “[t]he entitlement to [Medicare Part A] benefts” is simply “an entitlement to payment under specifed condi tions.” Id., at 436 (some emphasis deleted). The same is true of SSI. Compare § 426(c)(1) (explaining that “entitlement of an individual” to Medicare Part A benefts “consist[s] of entitlement to have payment made under, and subject to the limitations in, part A”) with § 1381a (stating that “[b]asic entitlement to [SSI] benefts” consists of a promise to certain individuals of payment “in accordance with and subject to the provisions of th[e SSI] subchapter” (boldface deleted)).
III
It was precisely this distinction—between a threshold entitlement to participate in a beneft program, on the one hand, and a subsequent right to a payment under that program, on the other—that was the linchpin of our interpretation of another part of the disproportionate-share formula just three Terms ago. In Empire Health, we faced a question that is substantially similar to the one the Court decides today: Which patients are “ `entitled to' ” Medicare Part A benefts for purposes of the disproportionate-share formula? 597 U. S., at 428. What is more, the arguments in that case mirrored the arguments we consider now. One side maintained that a patient is “entitled to” such benefts only if she had actually received a Medicare payment; the other insisted that a patient is so entitled if he was eligible for the Medicare Part A program, no payment necessary. See id., at 432– 433. Notably, however, the valence of the arguments was Page Proof Pending Publication fipped—in Empire Health, it was the hospitals that insisted payment was required, while the Government asserted program eligibility suffced. Ibid. We sided with the Government. A patient is “ `entitled to' ” Medicare Part A benefts, we held, if she “meet[s] the basic statutory criteria” for the Medicare Part A program, whether or not she “actually receiv[ed] payment for a given day's treatment.”
Id., at 435.
For purposes of the disproportionate-share formula, we said, a patient's receipt of payment is beside the point. All the formula cares about is whether a patient qualifes for the program that entitles her to payment under specifed conditions. Id., at 436.
Exactly that same logic should have carried the day here. A patient is “entitled to” SSI benefts for purposes of the disproportionate-share formula if she “meets the basic statutory criteria” for the SSI program, whether or not she “actually receiv[ed an SSI] payment” in the relevant month. Id., at 432, 435. In other words, just as with Medicare Part A, statutory entitlement to SSI “coexists with limitations on payment.” Id., at 436.
Our reasoning in Empire Health resulted in hospitals receiving less money by operation of the Medicare fraction. Id., at 444. Applied here, that same logic requires them to receive more, because it places more patients in the numerator of the Medicare fraction. But instead of simply following Empire Health where it leads, the majority diverges from its clear and plainly applicable holding. In the majority's view, although a patient need not receive a Medicare Part A payment to be “entitled to” Medicare Part A for purposes of the disproportionate-share formula, she must receive an SSI payment to be “entitled to” SSI under that same calculation.
To justify this puzzling departure, the majority identifes two “critical distinctions” that it says distinguish SSI from Medicare Part A and thus make this case different from Em pire Health. Ante, at 18. First, the majority says that Page Proof Pending Publication Medicare Part A benefts “extend beyond specifc payments for any given medical need,” whereas SSI benefts “consist of monthly cash payments and nothing more.” Ibid. I've already explained why that characterization of SSI is wrong: The SSI beneft is not simply the payment itself, but the promise of a payment in one's time of need. Supra, at 24– 25. SSI thus operates just like income insurance. Enrolled individuals are promised a payout, should the relevant triggering event—monthly income below the threshold—occur.
The majority rejects this commonsense conclusion based on superfcial mischaracterizations of the SSI program and what it means to the people who rely on it. So, SSI is commonly described as a “ `welfare program,' ” ante, at 16—so what? That label does not change the fact that this welfare program operates more like insurance than a subsidy. The majority also seems to believe that insurance programs may protect benefciaries only against increased costs—not decreased income. Ibid. But why is that the case? Economically speaking, increased costs and decreased income are two sides of the same coin. The only difference is the precipitating factor, and, of course, the fact that the decreased-income species of insurance acknowledges the reality of income insecurity.
The second declared distinction is the majority's contention that Medicare Part A is “automatic and ongoing” while SSI is not. Ante, at 18. This seems faulty from the start, since the majority concedes that disabled individuals can lose their entitlement to Medicare Part A if their disability diminishes. Ibid. Thus, it is questionable whether Medicare Part A is, in fact, “ongoing.” In any event, the majority fails to explain why this “ongoing” distinction makes any difference. The question before us is whether a person is “entitled to” SSI for purposes of the disproportionate-share formula, not whether a person must reapply to become so entitled, or whether it is possible to be excised from this beneft program's rolls.
Page Proof Pending Publication Ultimately, then, neither of the “critical” distinctions that the majority identifes between Medicare Part A and SSI are critical at all. So, in the absence of any principled basis for distinguishing this case from Empire Health, the majority falls back on pithy rhetoric, quipping that “ `it makes little sense to say that individuals are “entitled” to the beneft in months when they are not even eligible for it.' ” Ante, at 16. Again, this characterization misrepresents the real beneft of SSI. It is also noteworthy that, while some on this Court embraced a similar argument in Empire Health, they did so in dissent. See 597 U. S., at 447–448 (opinion of Kavanaugh, J.) (arguing that a patient could not be considered “entitled to” a Medicare Part A beneft “if the patient by statute could not” receive a payment). The majority view in Empire Health fully appreciated the insurance-like nature of the Medicare program, and its reasoning applies full bore to the question we address today.
* * * The decision the majority has made in this case will deprive hospitals serving the neediest among us of critical federal funds that Congress plainly attempted to provide. Hospitals that have a disproportionate share of low-income patients are struggling. Indeed, it is undisputed that systemically undercounting low-income patients for the purposes of the disproportionate-share formula might cause many such hospitals to close their doors entirely, such that patients from our Nation's poorest communities may not be served at all. Brief for American Hospital Association et al. as Amici Curiae 27–28; Tr. of Oral Arg. 36–38.
This outcome is not compelled by the text of the Medicare statute or the circumstances that surround it. Rather, it is, unfortunately, directly attributable to the majority's incurious and context-free method of statutory analysis. Congress's reference to the SSI program in the Medicare formula has confused the majority into thinking that Congress meant Page Proof Pending Publication for hospitals serving low-income patients to be reimbursed at lower rates than if their patient population was fully taken into account. So it will now be up to Congress to restate its intention that low-income people have access to quality medical care and that hospitals be compensated accordingly.
I suspect that such a legislative fx would not be too diffcult to craft. But Congress would not need to go that extra mile if this Court's interpretive practices would just take care to evaluate the text of a statute alongside any indisputable legislative objectives. Here, we should have easily concluded that, for purposes of the disproportionate-share formula used to reimburse hospitals, patients are “entitled to” SSI benefts when they are eligible for and enrolled in the SSI program, as Congress undoubtedly intended.
Page Proof Pending Publication Page Proof Pending Publication Reporter’s Note The attached opinion has been revised to refect the usual publication and citation style of the United States Reports. The revised pagination makes available the offcial United States Reports citation in advance of publication. The syllabus has been prepared by the Reporter of Decisions for the convenience of the reader and constitutes no part of the opinion of the Court. A list of counsel who argued or fled briefs in this case, and who were members of the bar of this Court at the time this case was argued, has been inserted following the syllabus. Other revisions may include adjustments to formatting, captions, citation form, and any errant punctuation. The following additional edits were made: p. 2, line 1: “faction” is inserted before “Medicare”